This chapter aims to outline a model of political conspiracism by identify ing some of its main functions and operative mechanisms. It distinguishes between conspiracy theories that lend themselves to a strictly political use and those that possess political relevance only in a broader or indirect sense. In light of current debates, the chapter shows that, in the case of political conspiracism, the initial sense of powerlessness and the fear in the face of perceived threats—factors that typically trigger recourse to conspiracy theories—do not result in withdrawal from political partici pation or voting. Rather, they are transformed into instruments of politi cal mobilization. Conspiracist political agendas intensify and redirect anxiety toward specific targets, turning it into a political weapon. To fur ther elaborate this model, the chapter revisits the historical case of antise mitic conspiracism in National Socialism, with particular attention to the relationship between political senders and their audiences. The chapter concludes with an examination of the thesis that conspiracy theories are adopted by socially disadvantaged groups, commonly described as “losers,” or by groups that at least perceive their status as being under threat, and with a discussion of the potentials and risks of conspiracism for democratic systems and their epistemic preconditions.

Political Conspiracism: A Definition

Marco Solinas
2026-01-01

Abstract

This chapter aims to outline a model of political conspiracism by identify ing some of its main functions and operative mechanisms. It distinguishes between conspiracy theories that lend themselves to a strictly political use and those that possess political relevance only in a broader or indirect sense. In light of current debates, the chapter shows that, in the case of political conspiracism, the initial sense of powerlessness and the fear in the face of perceived threats—factors that typically trigger recourse to conspiracy theories—do not result in withdrawal from political partici pation or voting. Rather, they are transformed into instruments of politi cal mobilization. Conspiracist political agendas intensify and redirect anxiety toward specific targets, turning it into a political weapon. To fur ther elaborate this model, the chapter revisits the historical case of antise mitic conspiracism in National Socialism, with particular attention to the relationship between political senders and their audiences. The chapter concludes with an examination of the thesis that conspiracy theories are adopted by socially disadvantaged groups, commonly described as “losers,” or by groups that at least perceive their status as being under threat, and with a discussion of the potentials and risks of conspiracism for democratic systems and their epistemic preconditions.
2026
978-3-032-13932-0
978-3-032-13932-0
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11382/587273
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